Showing posts with label Freedom of Speech. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Freedom of Speech. Show all posts

Thursday, 21 May 2015

Campbell Live and its Discontents: The Culture Industry, Repressive Desublimation, and Investigative Journalism in New Zealand

It beggars belief that in a liberal democracy there is such a passive acceptance of the inevitability of Campbell Live’s fate—why is a fundamental cornerstone of democracy being eroded away within a system that purports to actively champion it? I aim to offer a dual explanation for the general demise of rigorous news media under late capitalism by application of Theodore Adorno’s culture industry thesis, as well as Freudian psychoanalysis via Herbert Marcuse’s repressive desublimation thesis. These two theories when applied in tandem shed light on why this has not only willingly occurred by suggesting that it is in capital’s interest to orchestrate such a system, but that we accept this system because it caters for our deepest irrational desire for it.
There has been a plethora of media analysis of the situation Campbell Live is facing, and to trawl through all of them to give a comprehensive picture is beyond the theoretical application of this essay. However, I wish to draw attention to Gordon Campbell’s editorial that highlights the inevitable demise of investigative journalism on broadcast television as an inherent, and dangerous, reality in a market orientated environment. Campbell’s paraphrasing of Oscar Wilde to describe the market telling us the “price of everything and the value of nothing” should be to be considered pertinent rather than a mere quip.[1] Lord Darlington was answering the question: “What is a cynic?”[2] The Oxford English Dictionary defines cynical as:

Believing that people are motivated purely by self-interest … concerned only with one’s own interests and typically disregarding accepted standards in order to achieve them.[3]

Pay particular attention to these definitions in relation to the market—and both Campbell’s application of Wilde to the market, and how this relates to Adorno’s thesis (as well as Marcuse’s). Keep in mind that under capitalism producers and consumers are self-interested. The disjunction between intrinsic and exchange value touches at one of the contradictions of capitalism, both with regards to the aesthetic of culture highlighted by Adorno, as well as, more troublingly, the fundamental principles of democracy. While journalism can be said to have use value in terms of information content for consumers, at a higher level its relationship to maintaining a functioning democracy and distributing knowledge could be considered intrinsic.
                  The original aim of Adorno’s thesis was to show what we would perceive of as artistic culture—film, music, literature, radio, television—is being standardised in such a way as to increase its market value and well as undermine its critical element, all to the benefit of capital.[4] The underlying causal mechanisms that he exposed in doing so can be discerned, explicably, in every facet of late capitalist societies, including journalism. By using a more encompassing definition of culture within Adorno’s theory, investigative journalism (in this case within the context of broadcast television), has also become subject to the same marketability and standardisation that has subsumed artistic culture.[5] The archetypal measure of success in business is sales volume, and in turn, repetition of the formula of success. The product is worthy only insofar as it can be sold to the largest possible market. It is beyond belief that Television New Zealand’s pseudo-journalistic venture Seven Sharp consistently has substantively higher viewer ratings than Campbell Live, nevertheless, the show has found a formula that guarantees higher advertising revenue than a more qualitative editorial enterprise. The show’s less contentious and predictable content appeals to a larger public and appeases advertisers. It is little wonder then that MediaWorks, Campbell Live’s producers, wishes to replicate this formula for its own commercial imperatives. Profit will always trump any higher value offered by journalism. This fusion of entertainment and information produces a muted critical thinking in its viewers that will feedback into supporting the capitalist media enterprise.
                  Surely within a highly educated society consumers would see this apparatus at face value and demand otherwise? It seems not. In order to understand this we must engage with Sigmund Freud’s psychoanalysis and Marcuse’s Marxist application of it. Freud suggests our deepest irrational desires for instant pleasurable gratification (the pleasure principle) is regulated by normative rules in our social sphere that we internalise (the reality principle).[6] Freud refers to the process of transformation of these desires into useful activity as sublimation. In addition to claiming civilization is driven by the process of sublimation, Freud argues that art as an end is a principle manifestation of sublimation. Marcuse, however, has suggested that late capitalism has reversed this notion. High culture, he claims, was originally a subversive dimension of society as the result of sublimation. However, the culture industry under late capitalism has flattened out any subversive element that it once had.[7]
While journalism does not explicitly fit the mould of art, and it can nevertheless be considered within high culture, as there is something to be said for the subversive element it can contain, namely, the critique of power. It is the changes in the mode of production under late capitalism that is rendering some forms of television journalism less antagonistic by blurring the distinction between its critical discourse, and trivialised news snippets and puff-piece journalism that satisfies instant gratification. This desublimation in turn generates the market demand that cynically demands this easy-to-digest and less subversive news content that capital, seeking to return a profit, is more than happy to supply.
A common critique of the trivialisation of television media suggests that the sphere of interactive discourse has shifted to the medium of the internet. While somewhat true, the desublimation hypothesis still suggests a required critical thought to actively engage with this sphere; a concerted effort is required to seek out and critically analyse news media and editorialised writing. However, a desublimated consumer will defer this critical thought via various modes of instant gratification: referring to websites of television news media such as TVNZ or 3 News; corporate dominated print media websites such as the New Zealand Herald or Fairfax; social media feeds such as Facebook or Twitter; or in an unfortunately increasing number of consumers, even the need for trivalised journalism is trumped by less critical forms of entertainment of which the internet offers an almost bottomless pit of. Any engagement with news media is still taken at face value uncritically, whether in agreement or not, instant gratification is satisfied and the matter is seldom engaged further than satisfactorily necessary.
Both Adorno and Marcuse had something important to say in the critique of late capitalism, and no doubt features of their theory are seen not just in artistic culture, but all culture. 'I don't want to think; I want to feel' is the epitome of the consumer under late capitalism. What Adorno and Marcuse have shown us is that the passive acceptance of this system, because of capital's manipulation of it, is destroying the 'think' supplied by investigative journalism, and exacerbating the 'feel' supplied by predictable and formulaic infotainment. The market becomes the measure of everything and offers the (intrinsic) value of nothing. We have become astonishingly self-interested and cynical as a consequence.



[1] Gordon Campbell, "Gordon Campbell on the Demise of Campbell Live," Scoop Media, last modified April 10, 2015, http://gordoncampbell.scoop.co.nz/2015/04/10/gordon-campbell-on-the-demise-of-campbell-live/.
[2] Oscar Wilde, Lady Windermere's Fan (Cambridge: ProQuest LLC, 1996), 95.
[3] Oxford Dictionary of English, Third Edition, 2013, s.v. “cynical”.
[4] Theodor W. Adorno and Max Horkheimer, Dialectic of Enlightenment, trans. John Cumming (London: Verso, 2010), 120-167.
[5] Precise definitions of culture are numerous and debatable, and vary between sociological and anthropological disciplines. I intend to utilise Ian Buchanan’s definition of culture as a “set of beliefs, practices, rituals, and traditions shared by a group of people”, which within a democratic society would include journalism as valued for its contribution to political accountability. Oxford Dictionary of Critical Theory (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), s.v. “culture”.
[6] Sigmund Freud, Civilization and its Discontents, trans. David McLintock (London: Penguin, 2004), 16-20.
[7] Herbert Marcuse, One-Dimensional Man: Studies in the Ideology of Advanced Industrial Society (London: Routledge, 2002), 59-86.

———————————————————————————————————————— "... we can explore space together, both inner and outer, forever in peace." —W. M. Hicks.

Saturday, 11 April 2015

Quote of the Week: Oscar Wilde

"Disobedience, in the eyes of anyone who has read history, is man's original virtue. It is through disobedience that progress has been made, through disobedience and through rebellion."
—Oscar Wilde, The Soul of Man under Socialism,  1891.
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"... we can explore space together, both inner and outer, forever in peace." —W. M. Hicks.

Friday, 3 April 2015

Terrorism, Free speech, and the Hypocrisy of Western Media

I can't think of a more epitomic institution of free speech than a university. They are are not called the conscience of society for nothing. Anybody who has spent a decent length of time amongst academia knows that pretty much anything can be said, and it’s more often than not elucidated in such a way that it makes Patrick Gower’s opinion pieces sound like school boy name calling. As I look through my social media feeds on what is possibly the most fervent of Christian feast days I see next to nothing regarding a terrorist attack at a university in Garissa, Kenya that has at the time of writing this claimed 147 lives (including 4 assailants). There are a few token headlines at the usual corporate media institutions, but alas, there is very little semblance of condemnation, sympathy, solidarity, criticism, or even the typical anti-Muslim sentiment (The New Zealand Herald's top story is a championing of some wealthy narcissist putting the neo-colonial boot into local Māori because her profit trumps the exploitation of their land, while the Kenyan story falls faster than an anchor in water)[1]. To Western media, and the hegemony of European political consciousness, this is just as usual for Africa as flatulence in the wind. For an attack on such a prominent institution of free speech, there seems to be deafening lack of it. There is, and never will be a "Mimi ni Garissa"[2] for the 143 pinko student nobodies in some far flung corner of that homogeneous continent called Africa.
Cast your mind back to January 7th of this year—it may seem like a distant memory but it was a mere 3 months ago—to the horrific attack on the journalists at the forgettable excuse of a satirical tabloid (it does not deserve a prestigious description) Charlie Hebdo by al Qaeda in Yemen, not anti-Muslim flavour-of-the-month the Islamic State in Iraq and Levant.[3] Anyone is who is not within the manifold of fundamentalist Islamic organisations can agree the attack was horrific and should be condemned. However, as pointed out by a myriad of commentators, this should come with the caveat that any act of violence regardless of religion, race, state, or non-state actor, should be equally condemned. What followed was the fire stoking of Eurocentrism, nationalism, fascism, and racism all under the excusal banner of free speech. Marches with millions of people attracted leaders from across the world all to condemn terrorism and advocate free speech.[4] Social media had a wet dream, both left and right of the political spectrum, shouting loudly "Je suis Charlie".[5] I was one of the very few who refused to get caught up in the emotionally tinged implicit cultural superiority of the campaign. I'm not a fan of religious extremism or religion in general, but the vitriol Charlie Hebdo publishes was the crass vacuous rubbish that appeals to red-neck racists who champion democracy (despite not knowing or understanding what it is), but are open to spreading that "democracy" by bloody prolonged wars in far flung corners of the world they know nothing about. Terrorism is a very complex phenomenon that requires a difficult conversation with the Muslim world rather than just pointing fingers, putting up walls, and bombing.
Now contrast this ostentatious response to the luke-warm response to Anders Behring Breivik's vicious but equally calculated attack on members of the Norwegian Labour Party’s youth wing at an organised retreat on July 22nd 2011 that claimed 77 lives of equal moral worth. Breivik, being from one of those Viking countries, was as white as white could ever get. There was no global public out-cry over Caucasian extremism, or Protestant extremism, Christian extremism, Islamophobic extremism, Zionist extremism, anti-feminist extremism, patriarchal extremism, free-market extremism, or just general far-right extremism. Corporate media white-washed this event so much so, that if you quiz anyone on the street in the Anglo-Saxon nations now, chances are they couldn't recall this equally horrific event that claimed more lives that the Parisian attack (not that the number killed is the important issue under discussion). Why? Because Breivik didn’t fit into the Western narrative of “us versus them”, “Christians versus Muslims”, or “freedom versus hatred”. Conservative American political commentator Glenn Beck even had the atrocious audacity to compare the camp for aspiring progressive lawmakers to the Hitler Youth.[6]  There is something horribly askew in the media when a far-right political commentator implicitly sypathises with Anders Breivek by suggesting a moderate left-wing organisation is like the youth wing of a political party responsible for the Holocaust. Aside from a few well-attended local memorials by Norwegians, there were no global marches of millions, no conglomeration of heads-of-states in solidarity, no overt social media campaigns, and certainly no "Jeg er Arbeiderpartiet".[7]
In recent years Kenya has become more and more susceptible to terrorism, so today’s attack is not unexpected given Kenya’s proximity to the politically unstable Somalia, and in turn Yemen and the Arabian Peninsular. But suggesting some sort of concerted pan-Muslim attempt at expansion of a Sharia governed hegemonic sphere—especially in contrast to the surreptitious and often unwanted American hegemony reaching in all four corners of the globe—is an outlandish and downright naïve. The most recent terrorist attack in Kenya in recent years was the September 21st 2013 attack on a Westfield shopping mall, owned by Israeli interests, in Nairobi, and it is interesting to note to differences and similarities between that attack and today’s in relation to the media coverage. Both attacks were committed by al Qaeda affiliated al Shabaab, and both attacks were similar in their execution. The 2013 attack in contrast had some different, and striking ingredients: the attack was against Westerners, and Western capital. The reactions to the attack were swift and strong, and the Muslim narrative was all too apparent unlike Mr. Breivik’s political and religious affiliation. So today’s attack which appears to not involve Westerners or Western interests, deadlier than the Westfield attack and the Charlie Hebdo attack, has become drowned in a sea of trivial news items. Not one media institution is leaping to its feet to defend Kenyan academics’ or students’ rights for freedom of speech. The apathy expressed by the West will be just another predictably unfortunate aspect of the African continent. The self-righteous and conceited calls for freedom of speech after the Paris attacks have simmered down to a muttered freedom of sheep for the Kenyan students.
This attack falls just outside the narrative so is exempt to the usual fear mongering and scare tactics that accompany an attack on anything remotely European. Kenya’s terrorism and subsequent media reactions to it are a product of neo-colonialism. Kenya is just another helpless victim of Westernisation and expansion of Western markets manifested in shopping malls, and when those shopping malls are attacked, the attack resonates with Westminster and Washington. Never mind the lives of local Kenyans whether they are at a shopping mall or university, the West’s precious capital is under threat. To the West, the attack on Charlie Hebdo was not just an attack on freedom of speech, but an attack on an institution designed to create a particular narrative about the “Other”, and in turn justify a fear-driven war against this invisible Other. I find an attack on a university (regardless of whoever is on the campus, Western or non-Western) just as abhorrent as an attack on a shopping mall, tabloid newspaper, or youth camp, and they should tell the same story: that violence for political purposes is not morally justified. But the glaring differences in narratives portrayed by Western media institutions of the aforementioned terrorist attacks is intentional: Europe, America, freedom, democracy, capitalism, good; Africa, Middle East, Muslims, community, cosmopolitanism, academia, progressivism, bad.





[1] http://www.nzherald.co.nz/business/news/article.cfm?c_id=3&objectid=11427447
[2] Swahili: I am Garissa [University College].
[3] http://www.reuters.com/article/2015/01/14/us-france-shooting-aqap-idUSKBN0KN0VO20150114
[4] http://www.leparisien.fr/societe/en-direct-marche-republicaine-la-place-de-la-republique-noire-de-monde-11-01-2015-4437327.php
[5] http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/europe/france/11331836/Je-Suis-Charlie-Vigils-held-around-the-world-after-Paris-terror-attack-in-pics.html?frame=3159654
[6] http://newsfeed.time.com/2011/07/26/glenn-beck-site-of-norway-massacre-sounds-like-the-hitler-youth/
[7] Norwegian: I am Labour [Party].

———————————————————————————————————————— "... we can explore space together, both inner and outer, forever in peace." —W. M. Hicks.