Looking back over this past week in politics, I struggle to find the words to describe my feelings towards the messy, incomprehensible, variegated swirl of events that have taken place. It's as if someone has pulled out that box in my cognition that processes events and deciphers them so the can be analysed at a later date and replaced it with a meat mincer. But is this just me, or is it the bizarre mix that has gone into it? In order to process what has possibly become the farcical peak of the Fifth National Government, it is going to need a rigorous break-down of its almost paradoxical parts.
Anybody who knows me personally, knows that my
interest in rugby has waned to the point of oblivion over the last ten years. I
can't remember the last time I watched a full game (perhaps the the 2011 World
Cup final, but even then it was work, as I was a technician in the corporate audio-visual
industry at the time—so that wasn't of my own choice). Firstly, it's not that I
have anything against rugby per se, or even sport in general, but I just don't
find it that interesting. I'm an odd person out: I don't mind cricket, in fact,
I wish I had more time to watch cricket, but I just don't like rugby that much
anymore. Secondly, and more importantly, I loath the ubiquity of the
hyper-commercialised, hyper-masculine, alcohol soaked, and now politicised
nature the game has become. I'm sure there are other sports worldwide that get
the same treatment, but, what I'm going to call the Rugby-Industrial Complex,
has become unique to New Zealand. I've derived this terminology from Dwight
Eisenhower's warning to Americans in 1961 of a military-industrial complex that
has since derailed the American political system. Eisenhower described the
monetary relationship between legislators, the military, and the arms industry.
Thankfully, New Zealand doesn't have such a war-mongering culture, but the
political ties between rugby and the National Government are almost certainly
discernible.
It was Robert Muldoon's National Government that
insisted in 1981 that the national rugby team of a country that had openly
racist and oppressive policies should not be stopped from touring in New
Zealand because, obviously, sport and politics don't mix. Sure, different
nations can come together at the Olympic games and compete for the spirit of
the game, but below that semblance of unity there are often deep tensions and
political motives. Why do all the rich countries win more medals? Surely
sporting talent can arise anywhere on the globe? It was Aristotle that said man
(just man) was, and still is, a fundamentally political animal. There is no way
to completely depoliticise sport, just like every other action anyone takes,
the motives for that action are linked to your moral principles, and hence,
your political principles. The relationship the 1981 National Government had
with rugby is one of convenience, just like the present National Government.
Muldoon didn't want to upset his rural rugby-loving, liberal-hating
constituents. To Muldoon, the tour wasn't going to become a political
football—but in performing that do nothing approach it inherently was still
politicised.
Fast-forward three decades and that switched has
been flipped in its opposite direction, but as aforementioned, the relationship
is a relationship of convenience. I'm not going to go terribly in-depth with
the events of the 2011 Rugby World Cup because they have been highly publicised
and scrutinised. But suffice to say, that is when the Rugby-Industrial Complex
reached maturity. What other country has a Rugby World Cup minister? How about
that awful political point scoring three-way handshake? As we descend on
another traffic-stopping tournament the Rugby-Industrial Complex is stoking its
boilers and exercising its political muscle. The rugby and politics train
collided head-on on Sunday when John Key opened Parliament especially for the
announcement of the 2015 World Cup Team. For the "sport and politics don't
mix" attitude this seems the be a juxtaposition. This is the Key
Government putting the spotlight on themselves as just as rugby-mad as the rest
of New Zealand rather than on the mounting political failures of late. Also, I
can't remember the last time there was so much media attention given to the
players that didn't even make the team. Are we that obsessed?
Yet again, the telling influence of the
Rugby-Industrial Complex has shown its ugly side this week with the bill rushed
through Parliament allowing bars to be open at the early hours of the morning
to coincide with games in the United Kingdom. I'm sure the political-business
ties are many and numerous between the hospitality industry, alcohol companies,
Sky TV, and the National Party. But would I, along with many others, be a
killjoy by pointing this out? No, because it just seems so bizarre that this
event gets such special treatment—and inevitably this is just the result of our
socially destructive hyper-masculine, drinking, homophobic, rape culture. Will
the roastbusters team be out during the world cup picking up drunk and
vulnerable women? Why this event and not any other? Why do we need to drink to
be a part of, or enjoy sport? Surely the unhealthy habits of binge drinking
seem oxymoronic to the athleticism of rugby? This is obviously a complex
relationship—again, a relationship of convenience—that runs deep and what I've
mentioned is just food, or should I say drink, for thought.
This other week's
farcical political sideshow was the dreaded flag referendum.
Apologists for the referendum often suggest the $26 million spend is a drop in
the bucket; welfare costs billions. Never mind that gutting the modern welfare
state would be turning back the clock to the social Darwinism of Victorian
Britain. However, Key was unequivocal in his reluctance to spend $9 million on
the citizens' initiated referendum on the partial sale of important public
assets. I'm sure the Taxpayer's Union had a collective moan at the money spent
on the referendum whose result was arrogantly ignored. You'd think a referendum
initiated by the people would set a democratic percent and warrant somewhat
more budget attention. But this shinning example of direct democracy didn't
suit the ideologically blindfolded agenda of a cynical and fundamentally
anti-democratic government. Again, a relationship of convenience. Apologists
will chime that this is a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to have a collective
say in the future of our nation. But this horribly misses the mark. There was
largely collective disgust or apathy when selection panel released its top
forty flag choice, which was repeated again more vehemently with this week's
release of the final four. It's quite clearly a politically motivated
distraction and carefully planned money waster when the Prime Minister's pet
flag appears in the top four. It might to interesting to follow any ties Kyle
Lockwood has to the National Party and the Prime Minister. Again, the
Rugby-Industrial Complex rears its head again when three of the four final
designs feature the silver fern. Which is why I find it so perplexing that the
NZRU is threatening legal action regarding the silver fern. Perhaps
there will be some golden handshake for the boys at the NZRU
courtesy of the tax payers. The National Government is not exactly averse to
hook-ups for the boys.
As John Oliver has shown, the entire process has
descended into internationally embarrassing farcical levels. Given most public
opinion polls, people don't want this political pet project shoved down their
throats. But no, the fruitcake-of-a sideshow must go on because it's
democratic. Also, how exactly is having a say in the primary symbolic
representation of our nation having a say in its future? It's akin to spending
more time worrying about what colour tie to wear at a job interview than
rehearsing answers to questions one might be potentially asked. One is quite
clearly more relevant to your future economic outcomes than the other. We can
have a politically sanctioned say in jingoistic semiotics, but how dare we have
a say in the fundamental structures of political economy. It's the scraps of
democracy left over for the masses from meal of the political and economic
elites.
Finally, I move on to this week's
equally farcical, but tragic event: the unfolding humanitarian crisis in
Europe and the Middle East, and the New Zealand Government's morally vacuous
response to it. They haven't lost their moral compass, no, they just
threw it on the ground and stomped on it. There is a vicious hypocrisy appearing
when earlier this year Key verbally insulted Andrew Little's carefully
considered stance on sending New Zealand troops to Iraq by telling him to
"get some guts". Despite our pittance contribution that
could very well be ineffectual given the massive corruption in the
Iraqi military and the surrender-inducing tactics of ISIL, Key
insisted it was our moral duty, which was later revised to the payment for
being part of the club—the FVEY alliance. How can we have this sycophantic
behaviour but turn a blind eye to the other, inconvenience of the
war—refugees? But the rugby mentality runs deep: it is more righteous to go to
war, fight, and die than deal with the consequences. I can understand the
response to criticism of such a woeful quota. Taking refugees does require
money and infrastructure. But surely the quota could be doubled all for
the cost of a flag-referendum? It is almost soul crushing nihilism that this
government will rush to support legislation to extend public drinking
hours for the Rugby-Industrial Complex but will not rush to support legislation
for our moral duty to humanity. The same could be said for the $11 million paid to a disgruntled Saudi businessman; the same theocratic kingdom that has carried out hundreds of brutal public executions this year alone. There is some something horribly askew when we can throw money away at some quixotic sheep-deal in a nation that is not discernibly different from ISIL. The National Government had the audacity to claim that although they disagree with their human rights record, the Saudi judicial system is legislatively sanctioned and therefore legitimate. This is possibly one the most weakly ignorant arguments to grovel to a nation whose judicial system is medieval. The Third Reich in Germany from 1933 to 1945 was legislatively sanctioned as was the Final Solution at the Wansee Conference in 1942. The refugees from war-torn Europe were accommodated in New Zealand including our Prime Minister's mother. Imagine if New Zealand had not opened its doors. Also, we are not talking about immigration, we
are talking about people fleeing for their lives. Surely when the morality of
life or death is involved the initial concern is more pressing and the
financial considerations become secondary. But the National Party does not
think like this: its moral concerns are subjugated to the market,
the primary moral reality. This is most certainly obvious when
it comes to workplace health and safety legislation; that horrible red tape
that actually stops people losing life and limb is not morally more important
than letting the market do its invisible hand thing. As a myriad of
commentators have already said, its time this government got some guts.
This is
just scratching the surface of the
beat-your-head-against-a-wall train wreak that is not just a third term
National Government, no this is something truly spectacular, a
third term Key government. A government run by ideological obsessive
free-market fanatics that paint themselves as politically pragmatic with their
Crosby-Textor spin-doctors. But in time the paint wears thin, and eventually
the people will see the shoddy woodwork below. The social and culture rhetoric
might be centre-right, but the fundamental structures
of political economy are on a death-march to the far-right, surely,
but slowly, where money talks, and morals walk.
———————————————————————————————————————— "... we can explore space together, both inner and outer, forever in peace." —W. M. Hicks.
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